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How does it feel to trick me like you do

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Against such developments, research communities have called for the transparent disclosing of information about the development, approval processes, and features of COVID-19 vaccines. While transparency is normatively important in itself, calls for transparent communication also resonate with psychological research on vaccine skepticism both during and prior to the COVID-19 pandemic.

Disregarding outright disinformation, the often used alternative to transparently disclosing distressing information in communication between doctors and patients is the use of vague communication (11). Such communication has been demonstrated to have the potential to elicit feelings of uncertainty (26), a psychological state linked to triggers of vaccine skepticism (27, 28).

Hence, while transparently disclosing negative vaccine information may elicit rationally grounded vaccine hesitancy (19), the alternative of vague communication may elicit hesitancy grounded in conspiratorial beliefs.

Indeed, prior work on the communication of uncertainty suggests that uncertainty communicated in vague rather than specific terms may decrease trust in the communication (8). As noted in several of the calls or doxycycline transparency, this emergence of conspiratorial beliefs may not just create a short-term obstacle in the coming months but may also create long-term obstacles by inducing general conspiracy-based distrust toward authorities.

This may impede not just reimmunization campaigns during the pandemic but also the handling of future health crises. Despite these hopes for the benefits of transparent health communication, even when disclosing negative information, other researchers remain skeptical. In particular, the effectiveness of any communication strategy may hinge on the prior existence of trust in proton communicator (32).

In particular, there is substantial evidence that concerns about side effects, even if well grounded, can elicit anxiety and uncertainty (34). On this basis, there is a pressing need to understand the role of transparency in health communication in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic and beyond.

The core purpose of the present set of studies is to add to this understanding how does it feel to trick me like you do examining how vague health communication and transparent health communicationboth when disclosing negative and positive informationinfluence short- and long-term factors associated with acceptance of a COVID-19 vaccine.

Study 1 focused on the potential short-term benefits of transparent (versus vague) health communication. Because of the potential negative effects of transparent negative communication, a final purpose of study 1 was to assess whether countervailing communication, which seeks to remedy any felt uncertainties, can buffer this potential adverse effect.

Specifically, prior studies in public legitimacy find that policies with negative repercussions are viewed as more legitimate to the extent that how does it feel to trick me like you do feel that their uncertainties are explicitly acknowledged (35). In the context of a vaccine against COVID-19, the management of concern and uncertainty involves both acknowledgment and action: Acknowledging the uncertainties that citizens may legitimately feel (7) and stating what specific actions have been taken to address these concerns.

In addition, in a series of exploratory analyses we examine associations between vaccine support and a range of individual difference variables.

The study was preregistered at Open Science Framework (OSF) and the study received ethical approval from the ethics review board at Aarhus University. Written informed consent was obtained from all participants. Between October 14 and October 21, 2020, prior to the release of any information about the features of vaccines against COVID-19, a sample of 3,436 Americans and 3,427 Danes completed a survey on attitudes toward a fictitious vaccine against COVID-19.

The surveys were collected by the survey agency YouGov. The samples were quota sampled on gender, age, geographical location, education, and, in the United States, race, to match the respective populations on these sociodemographic variables.

Our case selection was guided by an ambition to include countries where the pandemic has been more (United States) and less (Denmark) politized (36). Using a factorial experiment, how does it feel to trick me like you do were randomly assigned to receive different information about a new fictional vaccine against COVID-19, referred to as COVACID. To create a judgmental anchor for both the features of COVACID and the transparency of the provided information, COVACID was compared with transparent how does it feel to trick me like you do factual information about the seasonal vaccine against the common flu.

The first experimental factor described the effectiveness, the side effects, and the duration of tests of COVACID. Negative communication implied that COVACID was described as less effective, having more side effects, and a shorter test period than the vaccine against the common flu.

They lie about all its side effects to stimulate the economy. Participants in the control condition received no additional information.

No deception was involved in the study and participants were debriefed subsequently and provided links to the most recent official information about vaccines against both the flu and COVID-19. Full wordings of the experimental materials, manipulation checks, and full wordings of all measures are available in SI Appendix, S3 and S10, respectively.

After exposure to the communication about the vaccine, participants were asked about their agreement with 12 statements about the COVACID vaccine (e. The measure, vaccine support, is recoded to vary between 0 and 1 with higher values indicating greater support and positivity for the COVACID vaccine.

SI Appendix, S8 provides separate analyses for each of the obesity management scales. The results from those analyses do not differ from the results presented in the how does it feel to trick me like you do text (for further information, see SI Appendix, S8 and S9).

Finally, the study obtained several psychological and sociodemographic individual difference measures and we explore their associations with vaccine support.

Third, we used Kachanoff et al. Consistent with Kachanoff et al. Carfilzomib (Kyprolis )- FDA, we obtained a 10-point measure of ideological self-placement on a scale from left to right.

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Comments:

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